Fall of the Republic HQ full length version Русские субтитры

  • 15.02.10, 00:36
Русские субтитры А вот и они....HERE

Шоста річниця

14 січня 2010

@ Дніпропетровськ Україна -13:17 - Сьогодні ми відзначаємо шосту річницю та завершення 5.939.280-ти робочих часів , які ми вклали у планування, розвиток та аналіз роботи для завершена Незалежної Програми Економічного Розвитку « Україна: Найкраще Місце Для Сім’ї».

В рамках цієї програми ми успішно закінчили роботу з усією необхідною документацією для початку нової легальної довготривалої нейтральної незалежної програми в Україні з ціллю реалізації десятирічного двох трильйонного бізнес кейсу для сімей та бізнесу України.

У рамках нашого проекту ми вже підписали інвестиційні контракти міжнародного зразку на загальну суму  більше тринадцяти мільярдів доларів, за цими угодами в Україні буде створено більше одного мільйону нових робочих місць.   

Зокрема в рамках цієї програми ми провели  дослідження для того, щоб підготувати все необхідне  та визначити всі практичні підходи до досягнення наших цілей, інвестування в людей, обладнання та безпосередньо в інфраструктуру України.

Незалежна Програма Економічного Розвитку орієнтована на сталий розвиток нових технологій, які потрібні для досягнення чистої води, чистих продуктів харчування, висококваліфікованого медичного обслуговування, якісної освіти, системи зв'язку, покращення екологічної ситуації, виробництва та логістики

У рамках проекту визначена основна команда яка складається з 26 керівників, 169 менеджерів та 1300 службовців.

У лютому ми почнемо процес підготовки до розміщення акцій на фондовому ринку через меморандум про пропозицію (документ, в якому визначаються умови продажу цінних паперів при приватному розміщені через банки та брокерів). Ця пропозиція буде зроблена тільки для попередньо відібраних груп інвесторів.  Ми  просимо в меморандумі  не менше $ 0,08 центів за кожну  інвестиційну одиницю яка видаються на десятирічний період.

Наші дослідження показали, що консервативний підхід (стратегія фінансування, при якій більша частина активів фінансується за рахунок довгострокових кредитів) забезпечить мінімальні щоденні повернення у розмірі $ .0.40 центів на кожну одиницю. Безумовний мінімум повернення інвестицій у розмірі вісім до одного.

Унікальною особливістю нашої програми є те, що у нас є можливість як у незалежної групи забезпечити фінансування будь-якого проекту зробленого в Україні під  2% -9,9% річних, кожен проект має вести бухгалтерію за міжнародними правилами та банківськими стандартами.   

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6th anniversary

  • 14.01.10, 14:38
14 January 2010

@ Dnepropetrovsk Ukraine -13:17-  Today marks the sixth anniversary  and the completion of the 5,939,280th  man hour  of development ,planning and analysis work that has been completed to define the Independent Economic Development Program Ukraine: Best Place for Family

This program has successfully defined all process and procedural requirements for the deployment and operation of a new legal long term neutral independent development program in the country of Ukraine for the purpose of realizing a 10 year 2 trillion dollar business case for the families and businesses of Ukraine.

The project has already signed over 13 billion dollars in internationally acceptable  investment grade contracts these contracts allow for the creation of over one million new jobs.

Specifically the program has conducted all research and completed all process and procedures as required to have already defined a practical approach to reach its goal of major investments of people equipment and funding directly  into the infrastructure of Ukraine,

The program is focused upon programs  of a sustainable design for expansion of multiple new technologies for clean water, clean food, medical care, education, communications, environmental sciences, manufacturing, and logistics.

The project has already  identified the full executive team of 26 senior executives, 169 management staff and 1300 employees.

In February we will begin the process of completing a pending global IPO via a private placement memorandum that will offer to a select group of pre-qualified  investors. we are asking a minimum of  $0.08 cents per each investment unit to be issued for a minimum period of 10 years. Our research shows that  this nominal approach allows for a highly favorable safe unconditional guarantee of a minimum daily return of $.0.40 cents per each Unit . or in layman's terms an unconditional  8 to 1 ROI


A unique feature of our program is that we have the ability as an independent group to access and provide funding for any and all projects of Ukraine origin at a rate of 2%-9.9% per year, the specific rate applied to each project is determined using internationally accepted accounting and banking standards.

A Look Back 1992

Ukraine Finds 'Active Independence' Despite Military and Other ObstaclesBy STEVEN ERLANGER, Published: September 6, 1992

KIEV, Ukraine— The Ukrainian Defense Ministry began like a revolutionary cell, with three officers. In the months after Ukraine's declaration of independence on Aug. 24, 1991, President Leonid M. Kravchuk and the present Defense Minister, Gen. Konstantin Morozov, began a series of quiet visits to Soviet military bases.

A sovereign Ukraine would emerge from the collapsing empire, they told senior officers, and an independent army would be central to the new state. Anyone willing to take an oath of allegiance to Ukraine would be guaranteed his job and full pension and other rights, including citizenship.

These visits increased as the Soviet Government disintegrated, and by the end of January 350,000 servicemen and a large majority of officers in the three Ukrainian military districts had taken the oath.

By the time the Russian President, Boris N. Yeltsin, and the Commander in Chief of the Commonweath of Independent States' armed forces, Marshal Yevgeny I. Shaposhnikov, could pay much attention, an important part of the Soviet military had been pulled out from underneath them. A Message for Moscow

While the leaders of other non-Baltic states seemed to dither, Ukraine's prickly and intense commitment to sovereignty and independence had never been more obvious, or effective.

Ukraine, the second most populous former Soviet republic after Russia, has considerable economic and political problems at home. But the new state continues to define what sovereignty means to the rest of the artificial commonwealth, and it is trying to insure that Russia, however reluctantly, gets used to the idea. And with nearly the population of France, a sizable army and considerable natural resources, Ukraine will be a significant regional and European power.

The commonwealth was created with Ukraine in mind, since Kiev insisted it would not join any structure that called itself a state or contained any "center," as St. Petersburg and Moscow had been for the Russian and Soviet empires. The commonwealth would be an association of equal and equally independent states, Mr. Kravchuk insisted, or it would be nothing.

This has been the basis of Ukraine's policy of "active independence," said Yuri A. Sergeyev, the Foreign Ministry spokesman. "We reject any Russian desire to retain a single unified political, military, economic or financial space," he said. Many Areas of Conflict

But in Kiev's struggles with Moscow over the Black Sea Fleet, now to be run jointly, somehow, until the end of 1995, and over Crimea, ceded to Ukraine in 1954 and now granted a form of autonomy, there are many areas for misunderstanding and conflict.

There are also disputes over Ukraine's intention to abandon the ruble and create its own currency, over the extremely slow transfer of bank payments between Russian and Ukrainian enterprises, and even over the prices to be paid for what has suddenly become international trade.

Mr. Yeltsin and Mr. Kravchuk have worked hard to defuse these problems, but each is struggling with more hot-headed nationalists. No Ukrainian forgets that within two days of Ukraine's independence declaration, a Yeltsin spokesman said Russia reserved the right to review its borders with all states of the former union except the Baltics, despite a Ukrainian-Russian treaty signed the previous November guaranteeing territorial integrity.

Mr. Yeltsin's Vice President, Aleksandr V. Rutskoi, regularly insists Russia has the right to defend Russian-speakers outside its borders, a discomfiting thought here, where there are at least 7 million and perhaps 11 million ethnic Russians out of a total multi-ethnic population of some 53 million.

Russian troops have been engaged in fighting in Moldova, in support of a separatist enclave, even though Moldova does not border Russia at all, but Ukraine. And most Russian officials, if pressed, say they believe that Ukraine and Belarus will both come back, one day, into Moscow's embrace.

Ukrainian nationalists, for their part, become outraged over reports of discrimination against Ukrainian sailors of the Black Sea Fleet, and they tend to see the meddling hand of Russia behind every problem.

"Russia simply can't put up with the idea that we're an independent state," said Maj. Aleksandr M. Kluban, the Defense Ministry spokesman. "They do it formally. We recognize them as a great power, but they still don't treat us as an independent, sovereign state."

But Ukraine, whose new Foreign Ministry has at least some diplomats with United Nations experience, has made great progress in carving out a coherent foreign and military policy.

Eight months ago, Ukraine's stance seemed to frighten the West, nostalgic for an orderly union and a single command over nuclear weapons. But Mr. Kravchuk has promised that Ukraine will be a neutral and nonnuclear state, has signed all appropriate international treaties, and handed over Ukraine's several thousand short-range nuclear weapons to Russia by May 7, two months earlier than scheduled.

While Mr. Kravchuk insists Ukraine keep "administrative control" over its 176 long-range nuclear missiles, so far the term is only rhetorical, Ukrainian officials and Western diplomats say. Ukraine cannot fire those weapons on its own, and real control over them is retained, as agreed, by the central commonwealth nuclear command.

Under the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, Ukraine must eliminate 130 of these 176 weapons in the next seven years, but Mr. Kravchuk has promised to get rid of them all by the end of 1994.

A request by Ukraine in May that Washington give it a security guarantee was rebuffed by Secretary of State James A. Baker 3d. Mr. Baker told Mr. Kravchuk that Ukraine's best security guarantee was to act like a sovereign state and become quickly immersed in international organizations and treaties.

Ukraine has taken that advice, sending 420 soldiers on a difficult United Nations peacekeeping mission near Sarajevo, where several Ukrainians have already been wounded or killed. "They risk their lives," Major Kluban said. "But it's for the dignity of the state."

Ukraine wants to join the European Community, but given Turkey's experience, that is not likely to happen soon. Negotiations are planned or under way to enter the Council of Europe and the European Parliament, and Ukraine will sign existing conventions on human rights, consular affairs and so on. Ukraine also sees some protection in Western investment, and has passed a liberal foreign-investment law.

Some Ukrainian legislators, like Mykhailo M. Horyn, leader of the Ukrainian Republican Party, say they may oppose ratifying the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty when Parliament returns this fall, because Russia continues to make threatening noises over Crimea and the Black Sea Fleet and is accused of stirring up Russian nationalism around Donetsk and Donbass. Ratification Is Expected

"No state guarantees us security," Mr. Horyn said. Speaking of Ukraine's transfer of nuclear weapons to Russia, he said, "The biggest nuclear state in Europe is disarming, and taking its nuclear weapons to a neighboring state that says it may reconsider our borders."

But Western diplomats agree with First Deputy Prime Minister Valentin K. Simonenko that the treaties will be ratified anyway, if only because Mr. Kravchuk's own credibility, let alone that of the new state, depends on it.

Mr. Sergeyev, the Foreign Ministry spokesman, said the military was drafting a new doctrine to fulfill its tasks as a regional, not a strategic power.

Military officials say the army will be smaller and, in time, all-volunteer. There were 800,000 to a million troops on Ukrainian territory; Major Kluban would not say how many have taken the oath to Ukraine. By 1994, the armed forces will be reduced to about 420,000. By 1998, they should be halved again, he said, to between 220,000 and 260,000, which is all Ukraine needs or wants.

A sense of the larger problem with Russia can best be seen in the negotiations over the 300 or so ships of the Black Sea Fleet.

Mr. Yeltsin and Mr. Kravchuk finally agreed to negotiate to split the fleet, and Moscow suggested 40 percent for Ukraine. The percentages were less of a problem for Kiev, since some ships are outdated or useless to Ukraine, than was the definition of how percentages would be applied.

Russia insisted, Major Kluban said, on dividing up everything, including the entire coastal infrastructure, while keeping the main base of Sevastopol. But Ukraine rejected the idea as an infringement of sovereignty. Instead, Kiev offered to rent Russia what it needed, including Sevastopol, until Moscow could build its own Black Sea base.

But Mr. Yeltsin has his own nationalists. The flight in July of a small coast guard ship from Crimea to Odessa, because the Ukrainian officers claimed discrimination against them, threatened a larger conflict.

At their summit meeting on Aug. 3, however, Mr. Yeltsin and Mr. Kravchuk found a better way out, which was to postpone the whole messy business until the end of 1995 and put the fleet under their joint personal control until then, with new symbols and flags.

What those would look like, or how two military commands would share telephones and patrols, was left to "experts" to decide. The Ukrainian Defense Ministry's first reaction was shock. But it was another example of Mr. Kravchuk's skill at preserving the symbols of Ukrainian sovereignty, while understanding that Moscow and Kiev are condemned to get along if either government is to survive.

Photo: President Leonid M. Kravchuk of Ukraine, who has promised that his country will be a neutral and nonnuclear state. (Efrem Lukatsky for The New York Times) Map of Ukraine highlighting Kiev

Правда и мифы

"ОТВЕТ ПАРТИЗАНА ИВАНА ГИТЛЕРУ"

Верховному Главнокомандующему Германии, ограбившему Францию, Голландию и Данию, обокравшему Бельгию и Австрию, Чехословакию и Норвегию (Польша в этом перечне блистательно отсутствует. — Б.С.), зачинщику мировой войны, подлому палачу нашей страны, сумасшедшему стратегу, вызывающему много смеху, эрзац-Наполеону, похожему на ворону, по-немецки фюреру Великому, по-русски бандиту дикому. Отставному ефрейтору — обер-сволочи Гитлеришке.

Деловые соображения, советы и предложения пинских партизан, каковые записал Иван.

Задумалось тебе да твоей шпане, в том числе Риббентропу, покорить себе Европу. Насколько это было глупо, не скумекала такая, как ты, залупа. Не сварила твоя баранья башка, что тонка окажется кишка. Видно, кобыла, что тебя родила, не мозгами, а мякиной «котелок» твой набила. Возомнив, что ты Наполеон, полезли немцы на рожон. И не зная броду, сунулись в воду. В итоге, не покорив Европу, уже получили коленом в жопу. Пока еще держитесь на волоске, но скоро получите хуем по башке. И от твоего, бандит, фашистского гнезда ни хера не останется, немецкая пизда.

Помнишь, мудак, страшил нас как. Словно сука, на весь мир гавкал: «Я победил один дескать, — Красная Армия разбита, авиация побита, Москве, мол, капут». Да никто тебе не верил, чортов пуп. Нас, едрена вошь, такой хуйней не проведешь, знали мы, старый пердун, что известный ты хвастун. Знали, еб твою в Берлин мать, что скоро в штаны начнешь срать! И не ошиблись!

Из-под Москвы удирая, бежали фрицы, штаны теряя. Под Сталинградом дело окончилось для них адом. Под Орлом по башке получили колом. Из-под Белгорода, обсирая пятки, мчались войска твои без оглядки. Около Припяти и Березины тоже немало насрали фрицы в штаны. Словом, дают вам и в хвост, и в гриву, лупят, что кобылу сиву.

От англичан и американцев из Африки бежали твои засранцы. Сейчас дают вам в Италии, а скоро получите кое-где далее. Словом, дело твое табак, этого не видит только дурак.

Странно, однако, как немцы терпят такое говно, такого безмозглого идиота, как ты, да еще во главе страны. Поставили б тебя сортиры чистить, там бы ты смог обо всем поразмыслить. Ведь такому, как ты, вояке только и убирать говно да сцаки. Такой, как он, стратег даже у кур вызывает смех.

Слушай дальше, болван, слово пинских партизан. Слушай, заебанный гнус, да мотай себе на обосранный ус: не раз говорил ты нам: — Вот уже, дескать, я вам задам! — А на тебя хуй положили и карателям твоим на шее наложили. Тогда ты Геббельсу сказал, чтоб тот листовку написал. Дескать, переходите к нам, рай будет у немцев вам. Передай Геббельсу, безмозглый идиот, что и этот номер не пройдет. Родиной мы не торгуем, ее не продаем, а на листовки ваши плюем. Иной раз собираем, да жопу подтираем. Если ж ты, старая арийская блядь, еще раз пошлешь против нас свою рать, то мы всю твою задрипанную орду загоним кобыле в пизду. Болот у нас хватит, чтобы вашими трупами гатить.

Совет тебе наш один — убирайся на хуй, господин. Сматывайся из России, пока не поздно, говорим тебе серьезно. Не уйдешь добром, по горло накормим говном. Геббельсу и Риббентропу загоним кол в жопу. Тебя ж сначала дубиной отмесим, а затем на хуй повесим. Остальную твою шпану загоним поглубже в землю.

На этом писать кончаю, чтобы сдох — скорей желаем. Скажи Риббентропу, чтобы он поцеловал тебя в жопу. Затем поставь Геббельса раком и сам поцелуй его в сраку. Ведь скоро ваш фашистский бардак потерпит форменный крах. И тогда будет не до поцелуев таким, как вы, хуям.

По поручению партизан, подписываюсь — Иван.

Цит. за книгою: Соколов Б.В. Оккупация. Правда и мифы.


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